|Posted by Kuber Sodari on December 1, 2011 at 11:20 AM||comments (0)|
Martin Luther King, Jr.
"I Have a Dream"
Delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.
|reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. - Martin Luther King, Jr. - I Have A Dream (Full) .mp3|
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[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!3
|Posted by Kuber Sodari on September 18, 2011 at 10:05 AM||comments (2)|
[email protected] September-18
Most recent Earthquake in Nepal
Earthquake of 6.8 Richter scale was taken place in Border of Nepal and Sikkim which was felt in many parts of Nepal, India and China too on sunday evening at 6:40 p.m.
According to earthquake.usgs.gov, the epicenter of the quake was at the eastern Nepal bordering along with India at Sikkim . Nepal is situated on the border between two huge tectonic plates that have moved together over millions of years to form the Himalayas, geologists say.
The quake lasted over a mintue in the Capital. However, the exact duration of the quake has yet to be verified. The earthquake was supposed to be originated from 20.7 km deep down the earth crust. Normally, earthquake couldn't harm to much in the parts of western and central part of nepal and india but damaged some lifes and residences at eastern parts around the places of Sikkim. The earthquake was felt in Kathmandu valley as well but it was not that violent. The people of India in the western part like Delhi and Rajas-than too felt the shaken of earth. Mainly the earthquake was felt hard in the Sikkim and himalayas part of Nepal in east.
But the bad news is that at least five persons have died-- two from Dharan and three from the Capital. Initial reports confirmed, three persons have died and one injured when the wall of British Embassy in Lazimpat, Kathmandu, collapsed due to the quake.
************************************************************************************************************************************* A heartfelt condolence to them, wish their soul would rest in peace in heaven. May god bless them and their families to overcome the death of their relatives. ************************************************************************************************************************************
This was the most powerful quake to rock Nepal in 78 years. The last major earthquake to hit Nepal struck to the east of the capital in 1934. It measured 8.4 on the Richter scale and killed more than 8,500 people in Nepal and neighbouring India.
|Posted by Kuber Sodari on September 16, 2011 at 10:30 AM||comments (0)|
An artist's conception of Kepler-16b
A planet orbiting two suns - the first confirmed alien worldof its kind - has been found by Nasa's Kepler telescope, the US space agency announced.
It may resemble the planet Tatooine from the film Star Wars, but scientists say Luke Skywalker, or anyone at all, is unlikely to be living there.
Named Kepler-16b, it is thought to be an uninhabitable cold gas giant, like Saturn.
The newly detected body lies some 200 light years from Earth.
Though there have been hints in the past that planets circling double stars might exist - "circumbinary planets", as they are known - scientists say this is the first confirmation.
It means when the day ends on Kepler-16b, there is a double sunset, they say.
Kepler-16b's two suns are smaller than ours - at 69% and 20% of the mass of our Sun - making the surface temperature an estimated -100 to -150F (-73 to -101C).
KEPLER SPACE TELESCOPE
The planet orbits its two suns every 229 days at a distance of 65m miles (104m km) - about the same distance out as Venus.
The Kepler telescope, launched in 2009, is designed to scour our section of the Milky Way for Earth-like planets.
"This is really a stunning measurement by Kepler," said Alan Boss of the Carnegie Institution for Science near Washington DC, a co-author of the study.
"The real exciting thing is there's a planet sitting out there orbiting around these two stars."
Kepler finds stars whose light is regularly dimmed when an orbiting planet passes between the star and the telescope.
In this case, the team was also able to observe dimming when one star passed in front of the other.
Nasa's scientists saw additional dips in the light in both stars at alternating but regular times, confirming the dual orbit of the planet.
Data collected by the Kepler telescope allows for very precise measurements of the mass, radius and trajectories of all three bodies - the best ever estimates of a extra-solar planet.
The finding was reported in Friday's issue of the journal Science.
|Posted by Kuber Sodari on August 30, 2011 at 1:45 PM||comments (6)|
** Mahesh Paudyal sir* on Ekantipur**
( AUG 26)
“A statistician once went to a certain village and started collecting data. There were a hundred families in the village. Ninety-nine of them were paupers, and one owned property worth ten million. When the average was taken, every family happened to own one hundred thousand. He compiled a report, ‘All families in this village are owners of a hundred thousand.’ Since that day, the village was named ‘the village of one hundred thousand.’”
This kind of light humour marks Krishna Pahadi’s serious historical discourse in Nabirsiyeko Bandi. I’ve quoted the lines above for two reasons. First, literature, however didactic and informative it might be, should incorporate an element of delight. Second, the skillful use of anti-climax qualifies the book to the rank of parody, and caters a satirical tinge, making it quite inviting to read.
Pahadi, a noted human-right activist, seems to derive oblique inspiration from the New Historicists’ slogan “Always historicise!” His is an out-and-out historical account, the only outright difference being that he has included comic relief in between serious, high-voltage contemplations. However, amid seemingly objective descriptions, Pahadi has slipped on the quicksand of affective fallacies, honking at times his personal prejudices. After all, as RG Collingwood contends, it is impossible for history to be purely objective.
The book is Pahadi’s memoirs of jail—the day-to-day account of the details surrounding his imprisonment during King Gyanendra’s rule. The book chronicles two phases—first, a 145-day long term when the House of Representatives had been suspended, and second, of around three months when the public movement had geared up after the reinstatement of the House. The chronicle ends after the Shah dynasty collapses for good.
Much of the book enlists names of co-inmates, more often political leaders, and visiting relations. Occasional references are made to what the press printed and how the international community. Repetition of similar episodes of visits, the same voice again and again, and same drama of appeal and denouncement, at times, makes the book rather tedious.
The book’s strength, and by the same token socio-historical worth, lies in the way it unfolds paradoxes and discrepancies that characterise police force and jail administration. There are examples of how inmates are forced to use unsafe water, low-quality food, and congested lavatories and so on. And references to illogical censorship of books, strain on the supply of newspapers, ban on access to television and radio news etc. are seen widely too.
The book raises some serious theoretical questions concerning contemporary polity. Overtly enough, Pahadi rejects the Maoist idea of change through violence. He starkly stands against the confiscation of public land by the party, and projects that violence, as taken up by the Maoists as one of its tools for change, shall harm the peace process.
Echoing Pahadi’s personal philosophy of life, the memoir at places moralises, contending that within the police force, it is improper to kick someone to the extent of hurting their self-respect. He is against animal sacrifices, and questions the very legitimacy of killing animals for the sake of the human palate. He also advocates fair jokes that do not contain any obscenities.
This document would have been a better chronicle had the author refrained from two fallacies. First, his non-historical and purely personal prejudices are apparent. Pahadi’s analysis of the previous national anthem Shreeman Gambhir Nepali as “a song devoid of any taste, and the most tedious and tasteless national song in the world,” is an exaggerated judgment, for the same song, cherished by people for decades, was eventually degraded by time, and not by Pahadi. Its content might have been invalidated, but as a piece of art, it is still very well-crafted. Second, in reference to a mass gathering at Khulamanch, he attempts to belittle the party’s role in the People’s Movement, saying, “The party leaders, who had been meandering around the fringes of the Ring Road lacking the guts to face the people, did not like the meeting,” is completely fallacious. And lastly,
his reiteration of a press claim which said that it was Krishna Pahadi and his allies who developed the zygote of the People’s Revolution is rather narcissistic.
In spite of these flaws, the book is worth reading. It records rare historical incidents, which might not have otherwise come to light. It well demonstrates how human right missions were behind the People’s Movement, and how they fuelled the materialisation of our republic. If only Pahadi had refrained from forcing incoherent information together, it would have been a very good work indeed.
Paudyal is a faculty at the Central Department of English, TU
|Posted by Kuber Sodari on August 7, 2011 at 2:25 PM||comments (0)|
A series of troughs and layered mesas in the Gorgonum Chaos region of the Martian southern hemisphere appears in the chaotic terrain. Gullies proposed to have been formed by seeping ground water emanate from a specific layer near the tops of trough walls, particularly on south-facing slopes. Such a layer is called an aquifer, and this one appears to be present less than a few hundred meters (few hundred yards) beneath the surface in this region. This image was taken by the Mars Global Surveyor camera on January 22, 2000.:)
|Posted by Kuber Sodari on May 29, 2011 at 6:56 AM||comments (0)|
|http://beemp3.com/player/corner-topleft2.gif);background-repeat: repeat;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;font-size: 12px;vertical-align: bottom;">||http://beemp3.com/player/bkgnd-top2.gif);background-repeat: repeat;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;font-size: 12px;vertical-align: middle;"> Avinash Ghising - Champa .mp3||http://beemp3.com/player/corner-topright2.gif);background-repeat: repeat;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;font-size: 12px;vertical-align: bottom;">|
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|http://beemp3.com/player/bkgnd-bottom2.gif);background-repeat: repeat-x;font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;font-size: 11px;vertical-align: top;text-align: center;padding:0;border: 0;margin:0;">Found at bee mp3 search engine|
|Posted by Kuber Sodari on December 10, 2010 at 9:23 AM||comments (0)|
CORE TEMPERATURE=15,000,000 K
:::- :)Credits go to Professor Stephen Lawrence, Columbia University